民不畏死，奈何以死畏之？

十一月末的傍晚，跑去吉隆坡Publika一趟，观赏蔡长璜的“民不畏死，奈何以死畏之？”摄影作品，也顺便看看其它Pemulihan Pembaharuan的艺术作品。

由于Whitebox的柜台人员说，“老板有紧急事情去医院一趟，我们必须提早关门”，所以只能匆匆看了一回，拍下相片回去研究。

Cambodian workers need employment security and freedom from fear

 NG YAP HWA - 12 AUG, 2021

Since the outbreak of the coronavirus, the pandemic has had a devastating effect on employment security of Cambodian workers. Garment factories temporarily closed several times due to lack of raw material from China or community transmission.

Many garment workers either lost their jobs or received a small amount of subsidy from the government. But to rub salt into the wound, garment employers regularly used COVID-19 as a pretext to target union members. The pandemic has been weaponised to get rid of trade unions.

The Business and Human Rights Centre conducted nine case studies on union busting in Cambodia, Myanmar, Bangladesh and India in March-July 2020. The result shows that trade unionists were disproportionately targeted by employers for dismissals.

Stopping anti-union discrimination in Thailand

By Ng Yap Hwa

Thailand has one of the lowest unionisation rates in South East Asia. In 2017, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) estimated that only two per cent of Thai workers were members of trade unions.

There are three key factors contributing to the low unionisation rate in Thailand : Anti-union discrimination supported by the state, fragmentation of Thai enterprises, and a paternalistic regime.

Firstly, Thai workers face strong anti-union discrimination from employers during the organising process and whenever there exist industrial conflicts. The Thai judiciary and the executive facilitates such discrimination in law and practice.

劳工法改革何去何从？

/ 黄业华

马来西亚近期的劳工法改革，其实是我国参与跨太平洋伙伴关系协定（TPP）的结果。2015年，马来西亚政府签订了“马来西亚──美国劳工一致化计划”。政府承诺采取步骤改革劳工法，以符合国际劳工标准。

其后，法律改革没有马上展开，或是因为特朗普上台后，美国单方面退出跨太平洋伙伴关系协定，其后该协定重组为全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定（CPTPP）的关系。

除了贸易自由化的因素外，第十四届大选之前，希望联盟的竞选宣言承诺根据国际劳工组织的公约标准，保障工人的权利。

政党轮替后，人力资源部公开1959年工会法、1967年工业关系法和1955年雇佣法的修订建议。当时马来西亚职工总会和劳工法改革联盟也提出了各自的改革建议书。

Whither labour law reform in Malaysia?

By Ng Yap Hwa

From the outset, the recent Malaysian labour law reform exercise was a result of Malaysia’s participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In 2015, the Malaysian government signed a Malaysia-US Labour Consistency Plan. It promised to take steps to reform labour laws to conform with International Labour Standards.

The reform exercise did not take place quickly. This may have been due to the unilateral withdrawal of United States from the TPP, and the later rebranding of TPP into Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

希盟为何会垮台？

/ 黄业华

希盟执政21个月后垮台，不但埋葬这个同床异梦的权宜政权，也一并埋葬烈火莫熄运动储备20年的民主力量。

21个月内，希盟无法大刀阔斧落实至关重要的政策改革——诱发投资、增加工人薪金和经济策划去中心化（因所谓国债而紧缩财政是个大错，然后惹是生非去搞拉曼拨款）、全面推动素质与人权教育及废除大专法令（反而注重行政琐事）、人权与警务改革（没有办法废除SOSMA和成立IPCMC）、族群关系处理不当（阿迪的死是慕尤丁管辖的警察的责任）。

此后，希盟不再享有无执政经验的Benefit of doubt。实践是检验真理的唯一标准，21个月后希盟的理想已经斑驳及失去光辉，下次大选它说得再天花乱坠，选民会开始怀疑其可行性。选民也会开始“谅解”国阵，原来有些事两边都做不到。

希盟失去了千载难逢的改革良机，失去证明自己是改革者的机会。倒台后，失去民心才是噩梦的开始。

监督自由贸易协定保权益

/黄业华

数年前，当跨太平洋伙伴协议（TPP）议题闹得沸沸腾腾的时候，公民社会反对声浪此起彼落。但在美国总统特朗普宣布美国退出该协定后，许多人松了一口气。但在日本的积极推动下，目前该协议已变成11国跨太平洋伙伴协议（TPP11），或称之为跨太平洋伙伴全面进展协议（CPTPP）。

另一方面，东盟却在积极推动另一个自由贸易协定——区域全面经济伙伴关系协定（RCEP）。大马公民社会鲜少关注此问题颇多的协定，有论者指政府正打算静悄悄快速完成谈判，达致暗渡陈仓的效果。

早于2012年11月，10个东盟成员国和其6个自由贸易伙伴印度、中国、日本、澳洲、纽西兰和韩国在柬埔寨金边启动区域全面经济伙伴关系协定的谈判。

恢复人性化社会——纪念茅草行动

/ 黄业华

2017年适逢茅草行动卅周年纪念，人权组织隆雪华堂民权委员会、赵明福民主基金会、人民之声与隆雪华青于10月28日至29日在隆雪华堂举办系列纪念活动。非政府组织柔南黄色行动小组与大红花之友也于12月9日至10日在新山举办茅草行动纪念展览与讲座。承办单位促请马哈迪对茅草行动受害者道歉，也呼吁废除无审讯扣留恶法。

废除无审讯扣留法令曾经是公民社会的最大共识，多年来非政府组织都对这个英殖民政府留下来的恶法不留余力地抨击，可是茅草行动卅周年纪念活动却在公民社会内部引发争议。部分公民社会领袖认为，眼下应聚焦于贪腐滥权的领袖，结合一切可能的力量促成政党轮替与民主化，何必去挖出陈年旧事？

作为筹委之一，我认为茅草行动纪念有三层意义。第一，重现茅草行动有恢复人性化社会的意义。

Women, Pillars of Justice

(Note : An summarized version has been published on newmandala.org)   

In the mountainous southern Thailand, adjacent to Kaeng Krachan National Park, a group of students gathered at a bamboo house surrounding by sugar cane and livestock. At the centre of the house was Pinnapa “Mueno” Prueksapan, a mother turned activist who campaigned for justice for her disappeared husband since two years ago.

Dressed in ethnic Karen’s traditional costume, Mueno recalled that her husband Porlajee “Billy” Rakchongchaeron, a human rights defenders, was arrested by the national park officials on 17 April 2014 and went missing after that. The national park officials accused Bill of illegally possessed wild bee honeycomb and released him after giving warning.

In fact, before he went missing, Billy had been actively assisting Bangkloybon villagers in preparing an upcoming hearing of a lawsuit, which in relation to burning of 20 ethnic Karen’s houses and rice barns by the national park officials in July 2011. Mysterious disappearance of Billy thwarted the villagers’ effort to reclaim their land rights and to seek reparation.

The Death of Teoh Beng Hock and Human Rights Violations in Malaysia

Introduction

In July 2009, right after 3 months the Barisan Nasional (BN) president Najib Abdul Razak became the new Prime Minister of Malaysia, Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) launched a large scale operation involved 33 MACC officers from various states to investigate 7 Selangor state assembly persons (ADUN) for allegedly misappropriation of their constituency allocations. (Andrew Ong, 2009) All of the 7 ADUN were from Pakatan Rakyat (PR), a coalition of political parties that defeated BN and won Selangor state in 2008 general election. PR ADUNs accused the operation was political motivated because the investigations were only targeted the PR ADUN.

On 15 July 2009, MACC officers raided the office of Ean Yong Hian Wah, State Assemblyman for Seri Kembangan and Selangor Executive Councillor, at the 15^th floor of State Secretariat building of Selangor. Ean Yong and lawyer quarreled over MACC’s right to search office, MACC officers took Teoh Beng Hock back for questioning at the headquarter of Selangor state MACC located at Plaza Masalam, Shah Alam at 6pm. (James Foong et al, 2011:1)

人权的世俗化之旅

谈论国家、民主与人权，都无法回避政治哲学家霍布斯和约翰.洛克。前者的“绝对君权”社会契约论，后者的“统治需获人民同意”社会契约论，除了仿效1215年英国大宪章的模式，都建立于一个重要的前提 –  “自然状态”（State of Nature）与“自然权利”（Natural rights）。

什么是自然状态与自然权利？简言之，人类进入社会之前，每个人处于自然状态之中，人人生而自由，这些天生享有的自由就是自然权利。但是自然权利的思想源自何处？许多人权学者认为，必须追溯到欧洲中世纪的著名神学家托马斯.阿圭纳（Thomas Aquinas）。

公元1225年，托马斯.阿圭纳生于意大利的一个小镇。他活跃的年代，欧洲经历了许多变化 – 农耕技术的改良、农作物生产的增加、城市化开始起步、人口大幅度增加。十字军东征仍在继续，基督教国家誓言从穆斯林手上夺回圣城耶路撒冷。

Rolling back of Behemoth requires a civil society strategy

I congratulate the successful fundraising dinner organised by Aliran in Kuala Lumpur several weeks ago. I wish I could have joined the event to express solidarity, but I was needed on duty at the 'Remembrance as Resistance: Human Rights Art Exhibition' which was held in commemoration of the 7th anniversary of the passing of Teoh Beng Hock.

However, I found the Aliran chairman, Dr. Francis Loh's full speech interesting, which inspired me to share some views on the current state of our beloved country.

Francis provided us a very comprehensive analysis of the extraordinary strength of UMNO (United Malay National Organisation), pointing out that UMNO is no longer a political party, its political power has been penetrating the corporations and civil service as well as the military. The behemoth is too strong to be defeated. Which I agree no more.

超越赵明福？

赵明福命案转眼七年了。七年前此政治命案震惊全国，首相纳吉必须召开记者会回应党团的指责，人民联盟举办集会抗议政治迫害，公民社会团体发文告谴责反贪会及呼唤改革，全国各地陆续举办追思会，全民挺明福运动也在一年后诞生。

七年后，赵明福命案已非“时髦”的政治术语。无论是执政党、反对党或公民社会团体都越来越少提及，除了古来国会议员张念群继续在国会跟进警察调查进展，行动党每年举办公祭，赵明福民主基金会举办周年追思活动外，只有零星的追思会和热心的党团朋友关心。

晚近这三年来，我越来越常听到的疑问是，“为什么还执着于赵明福？我们应该超越赵明福议题，扩大关怀层面。” 或者 “为何我们不关心普遍的扣留所死亡议题或政策改革？为什么只为赵明福个人？” 作为这六年来参与这议题的志工，我无奈地一再回答这样的疑问，这次为文希望能比较系统解答疑惑。

Understanding the Anti Colonial History of Asian Countries

A little comment while reading Andrew Heywood's Politics (4th edition).

Quote : 'For African and Asian nations, the quest for political independence was inextricably linked to a desire  for social development and for an end to their subordination to the industrialized states of Europe and the USA. The goal of national liberation therefore had an economic as well as a political dimension. This helps to explain why anti colonial movements typically looked not to liberalism but to socialism.' ( Chapter 5, Nations and Nationalism, subtitle 'Anticolonial and postcolonial nationalism', page 122)

Comment : The argument is flaw. For Malaysia and Singapore, as well as greater part of Southeast Asia, the anti colonial movements looked for socialism or marxism because the communists from Russia and China, although disseminate their ideology during the political campaign in Southeast Asia, were championing national liberation together with the people. There was no liberal movement because the liberals in Europe especially the colonial master country did not help in that cause. British had been colonized Malaya from 1874 till 1957, whether conservative party or labour party in power, the political elites in UK only uphold democracy and human rights in UK, they have no shame to continue colony policies to the benefit of their own country. In the history of Malaya and Singapore, i have never heard any British liberals come to Malaya to propagate liberation of the people, such as communist. 'Free world' is only for British citizens but not those enslaved by them.

Kingdom of Ends

"The will of every rational being as a universally legislative will"
"Every rational being must so act as if he were by his maxims in ever case a legislating member of the universal kingdom of ends"

   Quoted from : Kant : A Very Short Introduction
   Original text : Groundwork of Metaphysics of Morals

“每一个理性存在者的意志都是普遍的立法意志”
“每一个理性存在者都必须如此行动，似乎就他在每种情况下的准则来看，他都是普遍的目的王国的立法者”

   取自：《康德：牛津通识读本》
   原文：《道德形而上学的基础》，康德