(Note : An summarized version has been published on newmandala.org)
In the mountainous southern Thailand,
adjacent to Kaeng Krachan National Park, a group of students gathered at a
bamboo house surrounding by sugar cane and livestock. At the centre of the
house was Pinnapa “Mueno” Prueksapan, a mother turned activist who campaigned
for justice for her disappeared husband since two years ago.
Dressed in ethnic Karen’s
traditional costume, Mueno recalled that her husband Porlajee “Billy” Rakchongchaeron,
a human rights defenders, was arrested by the national park officials on 17
April 2014 and went
missing after that. The national park officials accused
Bill of illegally possessed wild bee honeycomb and released him after giving
warning.
In fact, before he went missing,
Billy had been actively assisting Bangkloybon
villagers in preparing an upcoming hearing of a lawsuit,
which in relation to burning of 20 ethnic Karen’s houses and rice barns by the
national park officials in July 2011. Mysterious disappearance of Billy
thwarted the villagers’ effort to reclaim their land rights and to seek
reparation.
Since then, Mueno has been
relentlessly holding government accountable to enforced disappearance of Billy,
particularly the national park chief Chaiwat Limlikitaksor who had conflicts
with Billy. With the support of civil society organizations, she lodged police
reports, filing lawsuit from lowest court to the Supreme Court. Unfortunately,
the Supreme Court dismissed
Mueno’s appeal on the ground that there was no substantial evidence, owing to
the witness statements were based on hearsay and circumstantial evidence. Mueno
did not give up the hope, she filed another complaint with the Department of
Special Investigation (DSI) to probe the misconduct of the national park
officials in causing the missing of her husband.
In 2016, the National Human Rights
Commission of Thailand awarded Women’s human rights award to Mueno to honour
her role as human rights defender. Billy’s case highlights Thailand’s enforced
disappearance issue in national and international arena, engenders the Thai
cabinet approved
in principle to table the Prevention and Suppression of Tortures and Enforced Disappearances
Bill at parliament. But activists remained skeptical
about the watered down bill that removed clauses on participation of civil
society will effect changes. Billy is the 82 case of enforced disappearance in
Thailand since 1980, the culture of impunity amongst enforcement agencies is
rampant.
Today, as a single mother of five
children, Mueno goes to farm every day for livelihood of whole family. She need
to follow up the investigation of DSI, occasionally travelled to Bangkok to
participate events to highlight the enforced disappearance of Billy.
When student asked how could she
drastically switch her role from housewife to activist and so determined in
seeking truth and justice for Billy, she calmly said it was very natural that
she wants to know Billy’s where about, she must do something to demand justice
for her husband. In another media interview, Mueno had
said
that even if the clock could be turned back, she would make the same choice to
support Billy fighting for the rights of Bangkloybon villagers, and she would
repeat the works that she has been doing. Both Billy and Mueno have strong
sense of justice and committed themselves for realization of human rights.
But many social movements relating
to enforced disappearance and murder show that the struggle for justice have a
long way to go.
Another high profile enforced
disappearance case in Thailand, human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit,
reminds public that human rights movement is a long term struggle. In 2004, Somchai
was defending
individuals from southern Thailand who were accused of attacking an army camp.
He sent a letter of complaint to police in relation to torture and forced
confession of his clients, the next day he was abducted in suburb of Bangkok.
Somchai’s wife Angkhana Neelaphaijit
fought the case relentlessly through judiciary and activism. In 2006, she
involved in founding Justice
for Peace Foundation to raise public awareness on issues
relating to justice, rule of law and human rights, as well as to strength
capacity of victims and their family members to fight for justice. The
foundation believes that change can only happen through empowering the people.
On 12 December 2012, renowned Lao
civil society leader Sombath
Somphone went missing after stopped at a police checkpoint.
Prior to his disappearance, Sombath Somphone was the co-chair of national
organizing committee of Asia-Europe People’s Forum, which was held in Laos in
October 2012. His working colleague at the People’s Forum, Anne-Sophie Gindroz
of HELVETAS Swiss Inter-cooperation, was expelled by the Lao government on 7
December 2012.
Sombath’s wife Ng Shui Meng lodged
complaint with police. She sent numerous letters to various ministries to
demand thorough investigation, but the government denied
that Sombath was abducted by police, they claimed that Sombath could be
kidnapped due to personal or business conflict. Shui Meng continued her
campaign to lodge
a report with United Nations’ Working Group on Enforced and
Involuntary Disappearance. She has been giving speeches at meetings,
conferences, symposiums. She met diplomats and civil society leaders from Asian
and Europe countries to bring their attention to Sombath’s enforced
disappearance.
In 2014, Shui Meng and Sombath’s
friends launched Sombath
initiative, aiming to advocate for ratification of
International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearance and freedom of expression and association. The initiative will
also strive to promote critical discussion and analysis of sustainable approach
to national development, in order to carry forward Sombath’s ideas and ideals.
On the same year, Indonesia human
rights activist Munir
Said Thalib, founder of The Commission for Disappearances
and Victims of Violence (Kontras), was assassinated by arsenic while travelling
on a Garuda airplane from Jakarta to Amsterdam in September 2004. His wife
Suciwati and NGO activists formed Solidarity Action Committee for Munir (KASUM),
tireless campaigned for justice for Munir through domestic protests,
performance arts, international lobby and setting up a permanent museum.
After intensive investigation
process by an independent fact finding team that involved civil society
activists, the Indonesian court only imposed
sentence on two low players, former pilot Pollycarpus
Priyanto and former director of Garuda Indonesia Airlines Indra Setiawan, for killing
Munir. Abundant evidence shows that the state’s intelligence agency was
involved in plotting the assassination but they were let off the hook by the
Attorney General.
A decade has passed, Suciwati did
not stop the struggle for justice. She recently urged
the newly elected President of Indonesia to disclose the report of the
fact-finding team. It is absurd that the Jokowi government claimed that they
did not have the report. In one occasion, Suciwati said
that “Munir is not the only victim of this way of thinking. There are already
far too many victims of the belief that violence can be justified. Yes, now I’m
better able to believe in the struggle that Munir took on. Who he defended and
for what purpose. And after 11 years, I know, Munir did not fight alone.”
In Malaysia, an accountant turned
activist Teoh
Lee Lan has been fighting for justice for her brother, Teoh
Beng Hock, who died after a marathon interrogation by the Malaysian
Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) since 2009. As a political aide, Beng Hock
was only a witness in assisting the investigation against his boss, the
Selangor state executive councilor Ean Yong Hian Wah. The case was widely seen
as the federal government’s persecution against the opposition ruled state in
order to regain power. Soon the political motivated investigation was dropped
due to lack of evidence, the royal commission of Inquiry criticized the MACC
officers carried out works without conduct ground works and caused the death of
a young man.
Lee Lan and family members brought
up the case to courts, royal commission of inquiry, Enforcement Integrity
Agency Commission. On 5 September 2014, the court of appeal ruled
that Beng Hock’s death was “was accelerated by an unlawful act or acts of
persons unknown, inclusive of Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC)
officers who were involved in his arrest and investigation”. However, the
police and Attorney General claimed
that there was no criminal elements in the case and cleared MACC officers. The
culture of impunity has permeated in every part of civil service in Malaysia.
Without giving up hope, Lee Lan and
social activists formed Teoh
Beng Hock Trust for Democracy to continue pursuit of
justice for Beng Hock and support other victims of state violence. They set up
a financial aid scheme to help other victims of death in custody to fight for
justice in courts. A Democracy Academy was established as a platform to provide
democracy and human rights education.
Despite tremendous obstables,
Mueno, Angkhana, Shui Meng, Suciwati and Lee Lan have fought for justice and
institutional reforms without hesitation. They are all struggling for
livelihood, children and other family commitment, yet squeezing out their
leisure time to join human rights campaign. If their efforts are judged by
decade-timeline, they are destined to fail. But if their works are judged by
generation-timeline, human rights defenders as a historical actor will triumph.
Even if the tasks of institutional
reform and protection of human rights cannot be completed by their generation,
the accumulated works could facilitate the success of human rights defenders in
the future. It is akin to Sisyphus ceaselessly pushing a rock to the mountain
top, every little effort has contributed to slowly change of state
characteristics and eventually led to legal reform. Women, indeed are pillars of justice
that holds up the pantheon of human rights and democracy in Southeast Asia.
Before
leaving the bamboo house, few Karen activists asked students to share their
experience on how to deals with human rights violations. There are actually few
things that we can learn from above women-led social movements :
1) Movement organization. According to
social movement theorist, one of the social movement stages is set up
organization to formalize the movement (Dawson, Gettys cited in Blumber 2008). Mueno and Karen activist could
consider to form an organization or loose network to fight for Billy’s case, just
like the Solidarity Action Committee for Munir, alternatively they can join
similar organization such as Justice for Peace foundation to establish a
sub-committee on Billy to continue the struggle.
It is very
important to train young activists to support Billy’s case, championing the issue
from time to time. Thus social movement can become sustainable and keep the
issue alive for decades. The educational institutions, well-established civil
society foundation or organizations can play such role.
2) Memory
project. The formation of permanent museum
for Munir is very meaningful, it aims to educate the public on his contribution
to human rights, the theme of the museum is “Opposing forget” (Melawan Lupa).
Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy organizes annual memorial events to
commemorate the passing of Beng Hock, the theme of the 7th memorial
event in 2016 is “Remembrance as Resistance”.
UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary
Disappearances' General
Comment on women affected by enforced disappearances
(2012) stated :
"Symbolic
reparations are crucial components in a comprehensive reparations programme.
They can take the form of commemoration days, museums and parks, reburials and
rituals, individual and collective apologies, plaques, tombstones, and
monuments as well as other appropriate undertakings. Symbolic reparations aid
in the psychological and emotional rehabilitation of victims and are crucial
for its collective dimensions and impact on the society as a whole.”
While the state is still refuse to reveal the truth
and bring perpetrators to justice and prepare to provide reparation, civil
society can launch creative initiative to preserve the memory of injustice and
state violence, the future generation needs to be educated about the ugly past
to construct a national consensus of defending human rights.
3) Dissemination
of information. Such as Sombath initiative, or the 6 October
massacre website. Mueno and friends can consider to set up
an English and Thai bilingual website to document the chronology of the
enforced disappearance and violations of Billy’s rights, so that the world will
be able to access the information from civil society, rather than receive
unilateral official explanation from the state. Not only the victim families
have the right to truth, citizens of the world also have right to truth and
information from the people. The cyberspace revolution is the best weapon
against state propaganda.
4) The
last one and the most important is persistency. Social movement is a long-term
struggle rather than short-term activities, social activists must prepare to
work on issues for decades. The state will always use judicial process or delay
tactics to ensure people forget the issue, the civil society must persistently
fight for human rights cause. Group fraternity is crucial for any long term
movement, build up a core team for Billy’s enforced disappearance and do annual
retreat for deep soul searching, formulate a campaign and work from there.
Ng Yap Hwa, a postgraduate student
at Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies, Mahidol University, Thailand.
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